Newsletters
Subscribe to The Informer for monthly expert analysis, and to Events for advance notice of visiting world leaders and distinguished guests.
You may unsubscribe from Lowy Institute newsletters at any time. For information on our privacy practices and how to unsubscribe, see our Privacy Policy.
Subscribe to
The most-pressing world events explained by Lowy Institute experts and global contributors, in your inbox, every Thursday.
You may unsubscribe from The Interpreter at any time. For information on our privacy practices and how to unsubscribe, see our Privacy Policy.
Advertising for Hindi-language spy action thriller film Dhurandhar: The Revenge displayed outside a movie theatre in Mumbai on 7 April 2026 (Indranil Mukherjee/AFP via Getty Images
Bans on hyper-nationalist Bollywood films carry a quiet warning: India’s remittance windfall from the region is not unconditional.
Shanthie Mariet D’Souza
12 May 20264 min read
Bollywood’s bluster block in the GulfBollywood’s bluster block in the Gulf
The two-part spy thrillers, Dhurandhar (literally meaning “the expert”), and its sequel Dhurandhar: The Revenge (let’s call them D1 and D2), have turned out to be Bollywood’s biggest blockbusters in recent times. Based on the escapades of an Indian spy in Pakistan who dismantles state-sponsored terrorism directed at India, both films have found immense appeal among moviegoers in India and Indian expats worldwide, grossing more than Rupees 3000 crore (US$315 million).
That commercial success comes with a dampener. Both movies have been banned in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. The United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman and Qatar are home to more than 9 million Indian expatriates – but also close to five million Pakistanis live and work in these countries.
Bollywood movies have traditionally relied on the Indian diaspora to boost their revenue. While hyper-nationalist anti-Pakistan themes have remained a tried-and-tested formula for Bollywood, the same seems to have worked against D1 and D2 in the Gulf region.
D1 and D2 are among several similarly themed movies to be banned in the region in recent years. The negative depiction of Pakistan is a reported reason for denying screening rights. The films were either based on a portrayal of an “inimical” Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) promoting anti-India terrorists to destabilise India, or seen as Islamophobic by focusing on the so-called “love-jihad” – a favourite theme of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in New Delhi – a conspiratorial notion of a “seduce-to-convert” tactic targeting Hindu girls by Muslim men in India.
The Indian diaspora must continue to be seen as hardworking and rule-abiding residents, rather than one whose political views are susceptible to propagandist movies.
A ready explanation for the ban might be that GCC countries are trying to insulate themselves from the spillover effects of the India-Pakistan conflict – balancing bilateral relations with both countries – and to stop any potential communal tension between such large diaspora groups.
The GCC countries might also be trying to deliver a subtle message – that continued toying with cultural stereotypes carries risks for the broader relationship, and consequently to the rich source of remittances that diaspora communities send home.
The crowd at the ICC Champions Trophy 2025 match between Pakistan and India at Dubai International Cricket Stadium in February 2025, Dubai, United Arab Emirates (Alex Davidson/ICC via Getty Images)
Since the BJP came to power in India in 2014, the trend of making hyper-nationalist movies that cast Muslims as villains has been on an upswing. The Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) in India, which certifies movies and allows them to be released, is a government body under the Information and Broadcasting (I&B) Ministry. Thus, the CBFC’s decision to allow a film to be released is not a mere certification of a work of artistic freedom, but can be interpreted as an official endorsement of its contents.
The link between such movies and the government is far more explicit. Some of these have been made by producers or directors with links to the BJP. After release, the Indian states where the BJP governs have declared some of these films tax-free, with a view to boosting viewership while foregoing the revenue from ticket taxes. On occasion, the I&B Ministry has arranged private screenings of these controversial movies attended by minister and members of the BJP. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has personally hailed some of these movies and said that more such films should be produced. That the Indian government is promoting such narratives isn’t exactly secret.
India is the world’s largest recipient of remittances, with record inflows amounting to US$135 billion in 2025. About 38% of this came from the GCC countries alone, and Modi is about to visit UAE as part of a wider overseas trip. Over the years, the share of such remittances have shifted source towards higher-skilled labour in the United States. However, given the disruption caused by the Trump tariff regime, India can barely afford to put remittances from the Middle East at risk. The Indian diaspora must continue to be seen as hardworking and rule-abiding residents, rather than one whose political views are susceptible to propagandist movies.
For decades, India has used Bollywood as a soft power tool, showcasing itself as a thriving, culturally rich, and communally stable nation – an attractive destination for both tourists and investors. GCC members continue to be wooed by New Delhi to make investments in India, which are estimated at upwards of US$28 billion. The fact that India has figured as a “country of concern” for religious freedom and communal situation in the eyes of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom will not have been lost on the GCC countries. The steady stream of officially backed films like D1 and D2, in the end might prove to be a box office flop.
About the author
Shanthie Mariet D’Souza
Dr Shanthie Mariet D’Souza is the founder and president of Mantraya Institute for Strategic Studies (MISS), a senior research fellow at University of Massachusetts Amherst, and visiting faculty at the Naval War College, Goa, India.
